《景觀設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)》2023年第1期 城市森林與全球氣候變暖

聚焦亞州森林都市主義

Towards an Asian Forest Urbanism

（布魯諾·德·繆德爾，凱利·香農(nóng)，《景觀設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)》2023年第1期“主編寄語”）

1 “城市林業(yè)”與古代城市植樹活動(dòng)

在西方環(huán)境科學(xué)領(lǐng)域，丹麥－加拿大籍林學(xué)家埃里克·喬根森于1965年首次提出了“城市林業(yè)”（urban forestry）這一概念。三十多年后，另一個(gè)同樣看似自相矛盾的概念——“景觀都市主義”（landscape urbanism）也應(yīng)運(yùn)而生。城市林業(yè)是指“在城市發(fā)展過程中，為了充分發(fā)揮樹木在提升城市物質(zhì)效益、社會(huì)效益和經(jīng)濟(jì)效益方面的短期和長期價(jià)值，而開展的一系列樹木種植和管理活動(dòng)?！?sup>[1]城市林業(yè)跳脫了對(duì)行道樹、庭蔭樹、觀賞樹等單一樹木本身的關(guān)注，而將整個(gè)城市的樹木作為一個(gè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)來考量。此外，城市林業(yè)也包含人工與自然、文明與野蠻、人造都市與自然景觀等二元概念，這些概念（及其所涵蓋的領(lǐng)域）間明確的二元性也帶來了科學(xué)范式的轉(zhuǎn)變。

盡管城市林業(yè)（包括森林都市主義）和景觀都市主義這兩個(gè)當(dāng)代學(xué)科都體現(xiàn)出了科學(xué)范式上的轉(zhuǎn)變，但早在這些學(xué)科被命名的千年之前，這種轉(zhuǎn)變就已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)，而且在亞洲地區(qū)尤為典型。在亞洲城市及周邊鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)的歷史演化過程中，風(fēng)水和占卜活動(dòng)扮演著重要角色，指導(dǎo)著人類在大自然中的活動(dòng)；人們對(duì)土地神、河神和森林神靈的信仰既有現(xiàn)實(shí)的一面，又充滿神秘色彩。^[2][3]越南中部的高原城市大叻被譽(yù)為“千松之城”，曾被法國殖民者開發(fā)為山中避暑勝地。^[4]中國蘇州享有“東方威尼斯”的美譽(yù)，這里不僅河渠縱橫、園林交錯(cuò)，而且森林遍布，令人驚嘆。在日本的城市地區(qū)，樹木和“永恒之森”被奉為木靈的化身，與神道教淵源頗深。^[5]在柬埔寨，樹木和江河湖泊與“涅達(dá)”神靈體系和佛教關(guān)系密切。^[6][7]傳統(tǒng)的高棉民居建筑多以佛寺的形式建于森林地帶，周圍遍布著佛塔和其他宗教建筑。喜馬拉雅地區(qū)的傳統(tǒng)聚落往往與廟宇、河湖和森林交織在一起。在整個(gè)亞洲地區(qū)，森林和樹木更是無數(shù)的儀式活動(dòng)、詩歌、文學(xué)作品、圣作、神話傳說和民謠贊頌的對(duì)象。

中國儒家典籍《周禮》明確記載，城墻外護(hù)城河沿岸的樹木種植和維護(hù)工作必須由專門官員負(fù)責(zé)。根據(jù)書中解釋，除了出于悠久的植樹傳統(tǒng)外，沿河岸走廊種植樹木主要是為了防洪防汛、避免水土流失。都城街道和皇家御道兩側(cè)種植樹木的主要目的是獨(dú)辟御路、防風(fēng)、遮陰、防洪，以及觀賞等；樹木死后，必須迅速栽種新樹。國家鼓勵(lì)在城市街道和鄉(xiāng)村道路兩側(cè)種樹，寓意造福當(dāng)?shù)匕傩?；很多政府官員也因植樹造林有功而被歷史銘記。^[3]

2 林業(yè)與國家建設(shè)

在亞洲很多地區(qū)，造林和栽植行道樹的傳統(tǒng)是國家建設(shè)不斷進(jìn)步的重要體現(xiàn)。華裔美籍學(xué)者李成等人指出，在中華民國時(shí)期（1912—1949年），孫中山曾倡導(dǎo)將植樹造林作為國家救亡圖存的重要手段^[8]，通過造福民生將林業(yè)與社會(huì)－生態(tài)公平和防御自然災(zāi)害聯(lián)系起來。1956年，作為社會(huì)建設(shè)和全民動(dòng)員計(jì)劃的重要組成部分，中國開展了“綠化祖國”運(yùn)動(dòng)。^[8]通過具體實(shí)踐，專業(yè)樹木種植知識(shí)傳播到基層群眾中間，植樹造林也成為了《一九五六年到一九六七年全國農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展綱要（草案）》的重要組成部分。草案要求，“從1956年開始，在12年內(nèi)，綠化一切可能綠化的荒地荒山，在一切宅旁、村旁、路旁、水旁以及荒地上荒山上，只要是可能的，都要求有計(jì)劃地種起樹來。”^[8]總之，森林和樹木成為了城市人居環(huán)境發(fā)展建設(shè)過程中的重要一環(huán)。德國的“科學(xué)造林”思想提倡（樹木種植與砍伐的）集中管理、林業(yè)保育，以及讓樹木走進(jìn)公眾生活等理念。中國第一任林業(yè)部部長梁希也深受其影響。為了解決水文問題，他沒有選擇修建水壩等聲勢(shì)浩大的工程，而是極力倡導(dǎo)大規(guī)模植樹活動(dòng)，并強(qiáng)調(diào)土壤、水文和樹木之間的密切聯(lián)系^[8]。近年來，中國政府不斷強(qiáng)調(diào)，人與自然是生命共同體；“人的命脈在田，田的命脈在水，水的命脈在山，山的命脈在土，土的命脈在樹?！?sup>[9]用途管制和生態(tài)修復(fù)必須遵循自然規(guī)律，如果種樹的只管種樹、治水的只管治水、護(hù)田的單純護(hù)田，很容易顧此失彼，最終造成生態(tài)的系統(tǒng)性破壞。^[10]

越南領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人胡志明非常重視自然環(huán)境，特別是森林和樹木。自脫離法國殖民統(tǒng)治、贏得民族獨(dú)立以來，胡志明便將國家（國土）建設(shè)與山河森林聯(lián)系起來。他曾明確指出，人類必須深刻認(rèn)識(shí)自然、合理使用自然資源、做好環(huán)境的管家。^[11]在《森林是金：越南的樹木、公民與環(huán)境規(guī)范》一書中，帕梅拉·麥克艾薇揭示了森林及其分類與權(quán)力結(jié)構(gòu)的關(guān)系，指出林木不僅會(huì)帶來生態(tài)和生物多樣性裨益，更是新社會(huì)和公民管理的重要資源。^[12]

比安卡·瑪麗亞·里納爾迪剖析了樹木和城市林業(yè)規(guī)劃在印度和新加坡后殖民時(shí)代國家建設(shè)中所發(fā)揮的作用。這些規(guī)劃不僅體現(xiàn)了城市林業(yè)的生態(tài)效益，而且展現(xiàn)了其在國家認(rèn)同中的審美和文化價(jià)值——觀賞樹木也是植樹造林工程中的重要組成部分。^[13]里納爾迪分析了賈瓦哈拉爾·尼赫魯和李光耀各自的核心政治主張，并從本土自然環(huán)境著眼，探討了二人是如何通過森林樹木呈現(xiàn)文化差異，又是如何通過植樹手段修彌殖民歷史創(chuàng)傷的——當(dāng)?shù)厣衷挥趁裾叽笏量撤?，因此，“本土”植樹造林運(yùn)動(dòng)成為國家建設(shè)項(xiàng)目的重要推手。在勒·柯布西耶為印度旁遮普邦首府昌迪加爾（1953年建府）所制定的那份聞名于世的城市規(guī)劃中，人工構(gòu)筑和森林體系綠色結(jié)構(gòu)相互交織、相互嵌套。此外，這項(xiàng)規(guī)劃還以“樹狀網(wǎng)格”為藍(lán)本，確定了城市結(jié)構(gòu)中的樹木設(shè)計(jì)框架。換言之，柯布西耶將昌迪加爾視為一張全息圖：在常規(guī)解讀下，規(guī)劃中的建成部分（作為現(xiàn)代主義的科學(xué)化體現(xiàn)）展現(xiàn)了國際主義視角；從另一個(gè)角度看，這項(xiàng)設(shè)計(jì)修復(fù)了由本土物種構(gòu)成的森林環(huán)境，迸發(fā)著傳統(tǒng)生態(tài)智慧，體現(xiàn)了民族主義情懷。在規(guī)劃實(shí)施過程中，當(dāng)?shù)刂参飳W(xué)家、農(nóng)藝學(xué)家穆新德·辛格·蘭德哈瓦最終完成了主要觀花樹木品種及組配的選定工作。事實(shí)上，昌迪加爾城市規(guī)劃的成功在很大程度上歸功于國家層面對(duì)森林樹木的重視。早在1947年，印度便已設(shè)立了“國家植樹周”。而在新加坡，1963年，李光耀親自啟動(dòng)了城市更新進(jìn)程：不僅發(fā)起了“植樹運(yùn)動(dòng)”，還重新引進(jìn)了大量熱帶樹木（不限于本土物種）。新加坡于1967年和1971年先后設(shè)立了“花園城市”活動(dòng)和“國家植樹日”活動(dòng)。這些行動(dòng)計(jì)劃使新加坡收獲了“卓越熱帶城市”“花園之城”“自然之城”等多項(xiàng)美譽(yù)。新加坡的每一個(gè)角落都能看到樹木的存在：住宅區(qū)、公園、道路兩側(cè)、公路立交橋旁、橋梁周圍……在這一重意義上，昌迪加爾和新加坡都基于樹木，成功地打造出理想的國家景觀；在建成環(huán)境和自然環(huán)境的相互促進(jìn)、共同改善之下，由樹木構(gòu)建的人居環(huán)境超越了人文與自然的邊界。

3 林業(yè)與人居

千百年來，人類一直保留著擇林而棲的傳統(tǒng)。各類傳統(tǒng)的林中聚落是自然－人文世界觀與敘事的縮影，而這些皆與社會(huì)－生態(tài)棲居活動(dòng)息息相關(guān)?？v觀都市主義的演變歷程，城市格局與肌理一直深受種植結(jié)構(gòu)的影響。城市是森林體系的一部分，而森林亦是城市肌理的一部分。^[4]

回看中國，1949~1976年，在蘇聯(lián)的援助下，許多新城都修建了林蔭大道，這些冠大蔭濃的行道樹現(xiàn)如今已成為了中國城市寶貴的林木資源。即使是在單位大院，種植樹木的傳統(tǒng)也蔚然成風(fēng)?，F(xiàn)在看來，這些城市的景觀規(guī)劃可能遠(yuǎn)比城市規(guī)劃更重要。在上海等城市，成熟大樹的數(shù)量已經(jīng)成為衡量現(xiàn)有住宅區(qū)社區(qū)品質(zhì)的主要指標(biāo)。^[14]無獨(dú)有偶，韓國首爾在始于20世紀(jì)60年代的大規(guī)模戰(zhàn)后重建中修建了大量高密度的公寓建筑，極大地推動(dòng)了城市化進(jìn)程，擁有悠久歷史的建筑群被高聳入云的公寓樓所取代。^[15]雖然城市的建設(shè)模式已發(fā)生翻天覆地的轉(zhuǎn)變、城市的建筑密度激增，但政府始終高度重視樹木種植，在住宅區(qū)域種植了大量林木，仿佛無意間延續(xù)了城市規(guī)劃與樹木種植有機(jī)結(jié)合的傳統(tǒng)。

同樣，從基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施層面來看，越南等很多其他亞洲國家也擁有沿街種樹的歷史傳統(tǒng)。在亞洲各國，不管是大規(guī)模的國家建設(shè)活動(dòng)還是小規(guī)模的土地開發(fā)項(xiàng)目，基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)始終與植樹造林協(xié)同推進(jìn)。在土地開發(fā)（當(dāng)前房地產(chǎn)市場疲軟，這種現(xiàn)象已不多見）的同時(shí)，樹木（雖然侵占了人行道）為人居環(huán)境添加了勃勃生機(jī)。從南到北，越南的各個(gè)城市都散發(fā)著濃郁的熱帶風(fēng)情；行道樹通過其在促進(jìn)排澇、穩(wěn)定水土、調(diào)節(jié)微氣候等方面的作用，改善著城市環(huán)境。在城鎮(zhèn)中如此，在農(nóng)村地區(qū)亦是如此。在湄公河三角洲地區(qū)，人們宛如生活在蜿蜒的花園帶中^[16]，無數(shù)寬窄不一的林蔭道散布于河流、小溪、運(yùn)河、道路之間（地勢(shì)略高于這些河流、道路）。包括果樹在內(nèi)的各類樹木使“高地”花園更加穩(wěn)定，與周邊的田濤（及當(dāng)下的水產(chǎn)養(yǎng)殖區(qū)）形成了景觀映襯，從而打造了優(yōu)美的人居環(huán)境。紅河三角洲的聚落結(jié)構(gòu)更加古老，略有不同的是這里的人居格局不呈花絲條帶結(jié)構(gòu)，而是以村莊島嶼的形式分布在廣闊的洪泛平原上；村莊之間沒有顯著差異，都栽種了很多樹木；這里的景觀與壯美開闊的平原、高原和水稻梯田，以及林木環(huán)繞的人居環(huán)境形成了的鮮明對(duì)比。

4 在全球變暖的時(shí)代背景下，重塑城市林業(yè)與森林都市主義

當(dāng)前全球各地的城市化進(jìn)程無疑正以前所未有的規(guī)?？焖偻七M(jìn)，地球迫切需要更多的樹木和森林，大規(guī)模植樹造林行動(dòng)勢(shì)在必行。過去，不同學(xué)科之間的界限不斷加深。以農(nóng)學(xué)、林學(xué)和都市主義三個(gè)學(xué)科為例，這三者的研究議題均與人類“在世界上的實(shí)踐活動(dòng)”有關(guān)。其中，森林是最具“自然”屬性的產(chǎn)物，而農(nóng)業(yè)和城市化更具人文屬性。在工業(yè)化時(shí)代，這些差別愈加突出，而進(jìn)入人類世時(shí)代后，濫伐森林的情況也在不斷加劇。勞動(dòng)分工帶來了規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)效益，促進(jìn)了現(xiàn)代經(jīng)濟(jì)的蓬勃發(fā)展。相比之下，生態(tài)建設(shè)始終相對(duì)滯后，世界各地頻繁發(fā)生重大災(zāi)難。雖然世界各國不斷調(diào)整發(fā)展道路，但這似乎還遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠。我們必須從根本上扭轉(zhuǎn)思想和觀念，并將隨之而來的調(diào)整切實(shí)體現(xiàn)在范式轉(zhuǎn)變上。森林都市主義等當(dāng)代跨學(xué)科實(shí)踐正在努力跳脫出人為劃定的界限，以及根深蒂固的自然－人文二元對(duì)立關(guān)系。

在現(xiàn)實(shí)意義層面，城市森林的益處眾所周知：它們能夠緩解城市熱島效應(yīng)，帶來片片蔭涼，通過光合作用吸收二氧化碳、釋放氧氣，過濾空氣中的污染物，甚至還能在一定程度上吸收噪音。都市樹木的根系有助于調(diào)節(jié)雨洪、防治荒漠化。通常情況下，只要植樹造林有方，林木就可以提高城市的生物多樣性，讓人類與更多的物種和諧共生。這為城市肌理與森林的融合提供了契機(jī)，因?yàn)檫@二者自身都具有豐富的多樣性。將兩者相結(jié)合，可充分發(fā)揮森林的價(jià)值和作用，既能提升人類福祉，又能促進(jìn)世界進(jìn)步。在亞洲，大部分地區(qū)已經(jīng)開展了相關(guān)行動(dòng)。例如，中國政府不僅先后開展了生態(tài)修復(fù)（20世紀(jì)70年代）、生態(tài)城市建設(shè)（2011年）和海綿城市建設(shè)（2012年）等多項(xiàng)行動(dòng)，還提出了社會(huì)主義生態(tài)文明建設(shè)（2007）的長遠(yuǎn)大計(jì)。^[17]

“森林都市主義”（forest urbanism）這一概念于2017年被正式提出^[18]~[21]，其不僅關(guān)注城市林業(yè)，同時(shí)還呼吁從根本上重新審視人居結(jié)構(gòu)與森林的關(guān)系。森林都市主義建立起了景觀設(shè)計(jì)與都市主義之間的橋梁，重塑了土地利用方式，通過新的融合方式和人居形式的多樣化，打破了林業(yè)、農(nóng)業(yè)和城市化這三者間的界限。

1 “Urban forestry” and Ancient City Tree Planting

In the Western world of environmental science, the term “urban forestry” was coined by Danish-Canadian forester Erik Jorgensen in 1965. More than three decades before the equally oxymoronic term “l(fā)andscape urbanism,” urban forestry was defined by Jorgensen as “the cultivation and management of trees for their present and potential contribution to the physiological, sociological and economic well-being of the urban society.”^[1] It was conceptualized to address urban trees beyond the single plant (street, shade, and ornamental trees) towards an ecological community. It also confronted perceptually different realms: artificial versus natural, civilized versus wild, urban versus landscape. The explicit coupling of dichotomous notions (and the worlds they encompass) led to a scientific paradigm shift.

However, it can be argued that both contemporary disciplines, urban forestry—even forest urbanism—and landscape urbanism, resonate this paradigm shift, which in fact existed millennia before they were named. No more was this the case than in Asia, where cities and dispersed rural settlements historically developed in relation to a worldview that included geomancy (feng shui) and divination, which choreographed the activities of humankind within nature and where beliefs in land gods, river kings, and forest spirits were both practical and mystical.^[2][3] Vietnam’s Central Highlands’ city of Dalat, once a French hill station, is known as the “city of thousands pine trees.”^[4] Suzhou, in China, is known as “Venice of the East” and famous for its canals and gardens, yet is embedded in an equally awe-inspiring forest setting. Throughout cities in Japan, trees and “eternal forests” are venerated in relation to kodama (folkloric tree spirits) and Shintoism.^[5] Similarly, in Cambodia, both trees and water bodies are worshipped in relation to neak ta and Buddhism.^[6][7] Traditional Khmer settlements are structured by “wats,” forested domains that contain pagodas and other religious buildings. Traditional settlements in the Himalayas are often structured between temples, water, and sacred forests. Throughout Asia, trees and forests are celebrated through numerous rituals, poetry, literature and sacred texts, legends and myths, and folk songs.

In ancient China, The Rituals of the Zhou Dynasty (Zhou Dynasty, 1046–256 BC) verifies that tree planting and maintenance by designated officials along moats of city walls was obligatory. The book documents tree planting along riparian corridors in relation to flood protection and soil erosion, as well as the strong tradition of street planting in cities. Initially, capital city streets and imperial highways were planted to provide separated royal passage, shelter against wind, provide shade, protect roads from flooding, and perform specific visual functions. Whenever trees died, they had to be quickly replaced. “Tree plantings along city streets and country roads were considered as good moral behavior and a blessing to the local people, and state officials were always memorialized for their contribution to the construction of greenways.”^[3]

2 Forestry and Nation-building

In many parts of Asia, a legacy of afforestation and street tree planting was part and parcel of progressive eras of nation-building. According to Chinese American scholars Cheng Li et al., during the era of the Republic of China (1912 to 1949), the progressive leader Sun Yat-sen “advocated forestry as a means of national salvation,”^[8] linking forestry to socio-ecological justice with improved livelihoods and the key to solving natural disasters. In 1956, China promulgated a “Greening the Nation” campaign as a part of a larger social engineering and mass mobilization plans^[8], which was complemented by concrete practices and included the dissemination of expert tree-planting knowledge to the grassroots level.  Afforestation was included in the draft National Outline for Agriculture Development (1956–1967), “which aspired to plant trees along all roads, in all residential areas, near all bodies of water, and on all barren land nationwide in twelve years.”^[8] In short, forests and trees were an integral component of national development of urban dwelling environment. Xi Liang, the then forestry minister, strongly advocated large-scale tree planting to address hydrological issues (in counterpoint to huge engineering projects such as dams) and underscored the inextricable link of soil, water, and trees. Liang was heavily influenced by a strand of German “scientific forestry” which emphasized centralized management (plating and cutting) and forestry conservation as well as the pervasiveness of trees in daily life.^[8] In recent years, Chinese government has continously underscored that mountains, rivers, forests, farmlands, and lakes are a community of life. The lifeline of man lies in the field, the lifeline of the field is in the water, the lifeline of the water is in the mountain, the lifeline of the mountain is in the soil, and the lifeline of the soil is in the tree[9]. Use control and ecological restoration must follow the laws of nature. If those who plant trees only care about planting trees and those who control water only manage the water and those who protect the fields simply protect the fields, it is easy to lose sight of the other and ultimately cause systemic ecological damage.^[10]

In Vietnam, the natural environment, specifically forests and trees, plays strongly into Ho Chi Minh ideology and is still drawn upon today. Upon declaring independence from France, Ho likened the country (homeland) to its mountains, rivers, and forests. He explicitly spoke of the necessity of humankind to deeply understand nature, use natural resources economically and steward the environment.^[11] In her book, Forests are Gold: Trees, People and Environmental Rule in Vietnam, Pamela McElwee reveals how forestry, as well as its classification, was tied to regimes of power and how forests and trees are much more than ecology and biodiversity but a resource for a new society and the management of citizens.^[12]

Bianca Maria Rinaldi has revealed the role of trees and urban forestry plans in the nation-building projects of postcolonial India and Singapore. These plans were motivated by not only urban forestry’s ecological roles, but also its aesthetic and cultural aspects as related to national identities; ornamental trees accounted for a large part of afforestation efforts.[13] Rinaldi draws attention to the key push of political leaders, Jawaharlal Nehru and Lee Kuan Yew, and their understanding of trees as expressions of cultural differentiation and a botanical antidote to their colonial pasts—as a connection to an indigenous natural environment, much of which was felled by the colonizers (in both cases the British Empire). “Indigenous” afforestation became part of the nation-building project. The Punjab capital of Chandigarh (inaugurated in 1953) is widely known for the plan by Le Corbusier, in which the built and green structure are interwoven as warp and woof. Moreover, the plan included a Grille Arborisation which set a design framework for trees in the city structure. In this light, it is tempting to read the plan of Chandigarh as a hologram: it is an internationalist scheme for the built (which is a conventional look to the plan and is emblematic for the supposedly scientific basis of modernism); it is also a nationalist scheme that reproduces an afforested environment recreated with indigenous species (and based on traditional ecological knowledge). Anyhow, the species selection of primarily flowering trees and their composition was done by Mohinder Singh Randhawa, a local botanist and agronomist. The Chandigarh efforts indeed built on a wider importance of trees in the building of the nation—Tree Planting Week was established in 1947. In 1963, the process of urban renewal in Singapore was initiated by Lee Kuan Yew himself and included a Tree Planting Campaign with the massive reintroduction of tropical trees (not only indigenous species). By 1967, the program evolved to a Garden City mandate and a National Tree Planting Day (1971); over time the city-state has been branded as a Tropical City of Excellence, City in a Garden and most recently as the City in Nature. Masses of trees were and are literally everywhere: in housing estates, parks, along roads and camouflaging highway interchanges and bridges. In both Chandigarh and Singapore, ideal national landscapes were created by trees in the city. In a dialectic iteration between the built and natural environment, trees constructed a synthesis—a living environment that transcends culture–nature divides.

3 Forestry and Settlements

Settling with and within forests has occurred for millennia. Indigenous forest-dwelling communities are part of a larger set of nature-culture worldviews and narratives, all which are deeply intertwined with socio-ecologically-articulated settlement practices. And, throughout the history of urbanism, there has almost always been an interweaving of structures of plantation with urban armatures and tissues. Cities have been embedded in forests and forest tissues complemented urban fabrics.^[4]

Returning to China, from 1949 to 1976, new cities were realized (with Soviet assistance) with boulevards of street trees. The now-matured trees have become part of the rich heritage of many Chinese cities. Even in the barrack-like housing estates integrated in the “production units” (danwei), tree planting was a prominent feature. Their landscape plans might a posteriori be considered more important than their urban plans. Nowadays, mature trees are the main neighborhood quality of the remaining estates in cities such as Shanghai.^[14] Same, same and not so different can be observed in the urbanism of Seoul, Republic of Korea, well known for the drastic postwar shift made in the 1960s towards the construction of dense apartment buildings. The building of apartment estates has accelerated during the last decades, where monumental 30-year complexes have been replaced by even higher apartment blocks of 50 and more floors.^[15] In spite of such a radical typological shift and drastic density increase, what characterizes the modern postwar dwelling environments is the abundant planting schemes with trees, as if it were an unconsciously persisting tradition to combine planning with planting (trees).

Similarly, many other countries in the region have an age-old tradition to plant along roads and streets according to elaborate catalogues of infrastructure profiles. From larger scale developments to smaller allotment projects, the construction of infrastructure goes hand in hand with the planting of trees. While waiting (nowadays often in vain, given the real estate crash) for buildings to fill the allotments, trees already generate a lush living environment in the making (while cracking the sidewalks). Throughout Vietnam, from north to center to south, its cities are powerfully embedded in a majestic tropical environment with street trees often defining the reclaiming—draining, stabilizing, and creating bearable microclimates—of urban land. What applies for cities and towns, is all the more applicable for rural settlements. Settling in the quagmire of the Mekong Delta is primarily equated with the continuous weaving of an incredible lace of elongated “garden strips” (miet vuon)^[16] and filaments of various widths along (and only slightly higher than) rivers, creeks, canals and roads. Trees (including fruit trees) stabilize “highland” gardens and literally create the dwelling environment, marking a sharp contrast with seas of paddy fields (and nowadays more and more aquacultural mosaics). Although the Red River Delta might have an older and very different settlement pattern, exchanging the linear filaments for villages sprinkled as islands in the majestic floodplain, it does not make the tissue component of these villages very different from that in the Mekong Delta, with systematic presence of trees. The region hosts an abundant variety of contrasting distinctions between majestic open, seemingly empty plains, plateaus, terraces of rice culture and full (of trees) settlements.

4   Reimagining Urban Forestry and Forest Urbanism in an Era of Global Warming

Beyond all doubt, the earth, while being urbanized beyond any scale ever witnessed before in history, desperately and urgently needs more trees and forests, and there is a clear call for massive afforestation. Throughout history, categorical distinctions were developed and deepened between disciplines—agronomy, forestry, urbanism—to only name the three that deal with humankind’s “occupation of the world.” In this triad, forests were conceived as the most “natural,” whereas agriculture and urbanization were conventionally thought of as cultured. These distinctions dramatically widened during the industrial era and deforestation accelerated as the Anthropocene unfolded. The division of labour facilitated economies of scale and hence fuelled the modern economy. Ecology, however, rarely entered the equation, and the earth continues to suffer from a cascade of catastrophic consequences. There are numerous initiatives of course-correction, but it is evident that additional changes in approaches are necessary. Thinking and understanding must be radically altered, and a myriad of changes needs to converge into a real paradigm shift. Anyhow, contemporary transdisciplinary practices, such as forest urbanism, attempt to transcend the artificial distinctions and distant themselves from the artificial nature–culture dichotomy that has been so deeply ingrained in disciplinary practices.

As has become common knowledge, and shifting to pragmatics, urban tree canopies cool urban heat islands and offer pockets of shade, absorb carbon through photosynthesis, produce oxygen, filter air pollutants, and even dampen noise. The root systems of urban trees help regulate stormwater and slow desertification. More generally, when strategically distributed over cities, trees and urban forests can increase urban biodiversity and make place for non-human species. This opens a window of opportunity to merge the two realms of the urban and the forest—both already characterized with their own multiplicities—and to (re-)construct a world in which wellbeing for humans (for which forests and trees are of such importance) can go hand in hand with a “wellbeing of the world.” Surely in Asia, important and often pioneering stepstones have been taken into that direction, such as the Chinese government programs of ecological restoration (1970s), eco-cities (2011), sponge cities (2012), and, as a general agenda, the Socialist ecological civilization (2007).^[17]

“Forest urbanism,” formally coined as a term in 2017^[18]~[21], goes beyond urban forestry and calls for the radical redefinition of settlement structures in relation to forests. Forest urbanism bridges landscape architecture and urbanism and reimagines land occupation to overcome the tripartite system of forestry, agriculture, and urbanization through new hybrids and occupation forms of multiplicity.

REFERENCES

[1]   Jorgensen, E. (1974). Towards an urban forestry concept. In: Proceedings of the 10th Commonwealth Forestry Conference. Commonwealth Forestry Association.

[2]   Cuc, L. T. (1999). Vietnam: Traditional cultural concepts of human relations with the natural environment. Asian Geographer, 18(1-2), 67-74.

[3]   Yu, K., Li, D., & Li, N. (2006). The evolution of greenways in China. Landscape and Urban Planning, 76(1-4), 223-239.

[4]   De Meulder, B., & Shannon, K. (2014). Forests and Trees in the City: Southwest Flanders and the Mekong Delta. In: D. Czechowski, T. Hauck, & G. Hausladen (Eds.), Revising Green Infrastructure: Concepts Between Nature and Design (pp. 427-449). CRC Press.

[5]   Moore, G., & Atherton, C. (2020). Eternal forests: The veneration of old trees in Japan. Arnoldia, 77(4), 24-31.

[6]   Edwards, P. (2008). Cambodge: The Cultivation of a Nation, 1860-1945. University of Hawaii Press.

[7]   Chandler, D. (1983). A History of Cambodia. Westview Press.

[8]   Li, C., & Liu, Y. (2020). Selling forestry revolution: The rhetoric of afforestation in socialist China, 1949-61. Environmental History, 25(1), 62-84.

[9]   Xi, J. (2013). Explanatory notes for the “Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Some Major Issues Concerning Conprehensively Deepening the Reform”. Qiushi, (22), 19-27.

[10]  Zhang, Y., & Zhuang, G. (2021). Systemic governance of mountains, rivers, forests, farmlands, lakes and grasslands: Theoretical framework and approaches. Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies, 9(4), 1-21.

[11]  Do, N. H. (2020). Current environmental protection and sustainable development in Vietnam in Ho Chi Minh ideology. E3S Web of Conferences, 203(2), 03015.

[12]  McElwee, P. (2016). Forests are Gold: Trees, People and Environmental Rule in Vietnam. University of Washington Press.

[13]  Rinaldi, B. M. (2023). Constructing national landscapes: The aesthetic of the forest in Chandigarh and Singapore. Journal of Landscape Architecture, 18(1).

[14]  Zhao, C. (2007). Sociaal-ruimtelijke transformaties in het China van Mao: Een kritische blik op stedenbouw en huisvesting (1950-1970). [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. University of Leuven.

[15]  Kim, J., & De Meulder, B. (2017). A modernist utopia taken over by the ordinary. The consecutive lives of the Seum Complex in Seoul, South Korea. Clara. Editions de la Faculte d’Architecture La Cambre Horta, 1(4), 85-102.

[16]  Biggs, D. (2009). Americans in An Giang: Nation building and the particularities of place in the Mekong Delta, 1966–1973. Journal of Vietnamese Studies, (4)3, 139-172.

[17]  Liu, J., Sun, W., & Hu, W. (Eds.). (2017). The Development of Eco Cities in China. Springer Singapore.

[18]  Wambecq, W., & De Meulder, B. (2017). Flood + forest: A migration corridor for reconnecting the Brussels landscape. Scenario Journal 06: Migration.

[19]  De Meulder, B., Shannon, K., & Nguyen, M. Q. (2019). Forest urbanisms: Urban and ecological strategies and tools for the Sonian Forest in Belgium. Landscape Architecture Frontiers, 7(1), 18-33.

[20]  Wambecq, W. (2019). Forest Urbanism: In the Dispersed Flemish Territory. [Doctoral dissertation, University of Leuven]

[21]  Vu, T. P. L., Shannon, K., & De Meulder, B. (2022). Contested living with/in the Boeng Chhmar flooded forests, Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia. Land, (11)11, 2080.

主編寄語

聚焦亞洲森林都市主義／布魯諾·德·繆德爾，凱利·香農(nóng)

城市森林的復(fù)合結(jié)構(gòu)與功能／李博

論文

森林的掠取與保育——印度阿拉瓦利山的社會(huì)－生態(tài)變化／謝巴·阿米爾，凱利·香農(nóng)

中國長株潭城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施對(duì)步行體力活動(dòng)的影響機(jī)制研究／李博，歐陽浩，劉秋宏

觀點(diǎn)與評(píng)論

氣候變化背景下的城市森林構(gòu)建與立體綠化發(fā)展／戚智勇

景觀設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)在全球語境中的定位——《“一帶一路”時(shí)期的批判性景觀規(guī)劃》評(píng)論／蔡哲銘

主題實(shí)踐

模式化景觀途徑營造低維護(hù)海綿城市：泰國曼谷班加科特森林公園／俞孔堅(jiān)，王冬

探索與過程

行道樹與韌性城市：美國路易斯安那州新奧爾良市行道樹種植再思考／梁瑞琪

重新定義“樹木分解”：基于經(jīng)驗(yàn)視角與生態(tài)功能的枯木管理策略／方詠昕

【中文刊名】《景觀設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)》

【英文刊名】Landscape Architecture Frontiers

【作者】布魯諾·德·繆德爾（Bruno DE MEULDER），凱利·香農(nóng)（Kelly SHANNON），李博（LI Bo）等

【出版社】高等教育出版社有限公司

【頁碼】108頁彩色印刷

【刊號(hào)】ISSN 2096-336X

【出版日期】2023年2月

城市森林的復(fù)合結(jié)構(gòu)與功能

Compound Structures and Functions of Urban Forests

作者：李博 Bo LI

摘要

城市森林作為森林都市主義的核心概念，對(duì)城市的可持續(xù)發(fā)展有重要價(jià)值。城市森林是城市復(fù)合生態(tài)系統(tǒng)中一個(gè)不可或缺的子系統(tǒng)，它和城市水系等其他子系統(tǒng)之間存在共生演進(jìn)的關(guān)系，也是中國城市實(shí)現(xiàn)“雙碳”目標(biāo)的景觀要素。本文提出，可以從三個(gè)方面改善城市森林的復(fù)合結(jié)構(gòu)和功能：首先，從城市森林到森林城市，系統(tǒng)拓展城市森林的類型和結(jié)構(gòu)；其次，從建設(shè)森林到融合森林，注重提升城市森林的復(fù)合生態(tài)功能；最后，從森林生態(tài)系統(tǒng)到城市生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，統(tǒng)籌城市森林與其他類型生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的協(xié)同建設(shè)。

關(guān)鍵詞

城市森林；森林都市主義；城市復(fù)合生態(tài)系統(tǒng)；生態(tài)系統(tǒng)服務(wù)；綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施；城市可持續(xù)發(fā)展

Abstract 

As the core concept of forest urbanism, urban forest is of great importance for a city’s sustainable development. It is a vital subsystem of urban compound ecosystem and evolve synergistically with other subsystems, as well as a significant landscape component to push forward realizing carbon peaking and carbon neutrality. This article proposes three approaches to improving the compound structures and functions of urban forests. First, enrich types and extend structures of urban forests to build forest cities. Second, move from constructing forests in the city towards integrating forests into the city to enhance compound ecological functions. Third, shift focus from forest ecosystems to urban ecosystems by a synergic construction of the urban forest and other types of ecosystems.

Keywords

Urban Forestry; Forest Urbanism; Urban Compound Ecosystems; Ecosystem Services; Green Infrastructure; Sustainable Urban Development

森林的掠取與保育——印度阿拉瓦利山的社會(huì)－生態(tài)變化

The Taking and Making of a Forest—Socio-Ecological Transformations of the Aravalli Hills, India

作者：謝巴·阿米爾，凱利·香農(nóng) Sheeba AMIR, Kelly SHANNON

摘要

本文認(rèn)為，印度所沿襲的殖民時(shí)期土地利用分類系統(tǒng)——將阿拉瓦利山及其在德里和古爾岡近郊的森林系統(tǒng)劃分為“荒地”的做法，貶損了森林對(duì)區(qū)域景觀的社會(huì)－生態(tài)貢獻(xiàn)。隨著時(shí)間的推移，土地利用分類導(dǎo)致了“荒地”向生態(tài)敏感性較差的“生產(chǎn)性”用地的轉(zhuǎn)化。本文批判性地回顧了阿拉瓦利山在殖民時(shí)期和獨(dú)立后，在土地管理政策上持續(xù)的社會(huì)－生態(tài)轉(zhuǎn)型，以及一系列與森林相關(guān)的社會(huì)－環(huán)境轉(zhuǎn)型事件。研究基于景觀和城市規(guī)劃，以及社會(huì)科學(xué)和環(huán)境科學(xué)的視角，運(yùn)用了不同學(xué)科的知識(shí)來解讀城市環(huán)境。本文有助于提升人們對(duì)印度“荒地”森林的社會(huì)－生態(tài)價(jià)值的了解和認(rèn)識(shí)，并激發(fā)我們討論其在不斷轉(zhuǎn)型的城市景觀中的未來可能性。印度阿拉瓦利山的案例研究將為其他同樣因城市發(fā)展而受到威脅的自然資源——特別是森林——提供寶貴的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。

關(guān)鍵詞 

荒地；神圣森林；土地利用分類；社會(huì)－生態(tài)轉(zhuǎn)型；公地；森林管理；德里－古爾岡；印度

ABSTRACT  

The paper argues that “wasteland” as a colonial land-use classification of India’s Aravalli Hills and its forest system in peri-urban Delhi and Gurgaon dilutes their socio-ecological contributions to the regional landscape. Over time, the land-use designation has become a means to convert “wastelands” to ecologically insensitive “productive” use. The paper critically describes successive socio-ecological transformations of the Aravalli Hills with respect to colonial and post-independence land management policies and various episodes of socio-environmental transformations, with a focus on its forests. The research applies learnings from various disciplines towards understanding urban environments and engages the lenses of landscape and urban planning, as well as social and environmental sciences. The paper contributes to building knowledge and recognition of the socio-ecological values of forest “wastelands” in India and broadens the discussion on their future within a transforming urban landscape. The case study provides invaluable lessons for other contexts where the natural resources, particularly forests, are threatened by development.

KEYWORDS 

Wastelands; Sacred Forest; Land-use Classification; Socio-Ecological Transformation; Commons; Forest Management; Delhi-Gurgaon; India

中國長株潭城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施對(duì)步行體力活動(dòng)的影響機(jī)制研究

Research of the Influence Mechanisms of Green Infrastructure on Walking Physical Activities in Changsha–Zhuzhou–Xiangtan Urban Agglomeration, China

作者：李博，歐陽浩，劉秋宏 Bo LI, Hao OUYANG, Qiuhong LIU

摘要

步行體力活動(dòng)可以改善居民健康，探索綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施對(duì)步行體力活動(dòng)的影響機(jī)制是建設(shè)健康城市環(huán)境的重要一環(huán)。本文以中國長株潭城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施與居民步行體力活動(dòng)的頻率和強(qiáng)度為研究對(duì)象，通過識(shí)別城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的構(gòu)成要素，分析步行體力活動(dòng)的空間分布特征；進(jìn)而構(gòu)建城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施指標(biāo)體系，運(yùn)用多元線性回歸模型分析城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施對(duì)居民步行體力活動(dòng)頻率和強(qiáng)度的影響機(jī)制。研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，長株潭城市群居民的步行體力活動(dòng)軌跡主要分布在綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的連接廊道和小型場地中。綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的內(nèi)部環(huán)境、外部環(huán)境與空間格局均對(duì)居民步行體力活動(dòng)的影響存在差異。其中，外部環(huán)境指標(biāo)中的居住密度、房價(jià)水平，內(nèi)部環(huán)境指標(biāo)中的公共廁所密度、城市廣場密度、公交站點(diǎn)密度、綠地面積占比，以及空間格局指標(biāo)中的最大斑塊面積和斑塊聚合度指數(shù)均與步行體力活動(dòng)的頻率和強(qiáng)度有顯著相關(guān)性；外部環(huán)境指標(biāo)中的土地利用混合度、日平均氣溫和內(nèi)部環(huán)境指標(biāo)中的水體面積占比僅與步行體力活動(dòng)的強(qiáng)度有顯著相關(guān)性，內(nèi)部環(huán)境指標(biāo)中的步道密度僅與步行體力活動(dòng)的頻率有顯著相關(guān)性。最后，本文分別從外部環(huán)境、內(nèi)部環(huán)境和空間格局三個(gè)方面提出城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的建設(shè)及更新策略，以期改善居民步行體力活動(dòng)環(huán)境，充分發(fā)揮城市群綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的生態(tài)和社會(huì)價(jià)值。

關(guān)鍵詞 

綠色基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施；步行體力活動(dòng)；影響機(jī)制；長株潭城市群；空間格局

ABSTRACT  

Walking physical activities can improve people’s health, for which exploring the influence mechanisms of green infrastructure on walking physical activities is important to the creation of healthy urban environment. This paper focuses on the relationship between green infrastructure in Changsha–Zhuzhou–Xiangtan urban agglomeration of China and the frequency and intensity of walking physical activities. The research first identified the elements of green infrastructure (i.e. hubs, links, and sites) and studied the spatial distribution of walking trajectories, then constructed the indicator system from perspectives of the internal environment, external environment, and landscape pattern of green infrastructure in the urban agglomeration, and employ the multiple linear regression model to analyze the influence mechanisms of green infrastructure on the frequency and intensity of walking physical activities. The results suggest that the walking physical activities mostly overlapped with the links and sites, and the indicators impact residents’ walking physical activities differently. Housing density, housing price, public toilet density, urban plaza density, bus stop density, percentage of green spaces, large patch index, and aggregation index all have significant correlations with both the frequency and intensity; land use mix, average daily temperature, and percentage of water body area only have significant correlations with intensity; and, path density only has a significant correlation with frequency. Based on the findings, this paper proposed suggestions for urban construction and renovation in aspects of internal environment, external environment, and landscape pattern, respectively, aiming to improve the cities’ walking environment, and boost the social and ecological values of green infrastructures in the urban agglomeration.

KEYWORDS 

Green Infrastructure; Walking Physical Activity; Influence Mechanism; Changsha–Zhuzhou–Xiangtan Urban Agglomeration; Spatial Pattern

氣候變化背景下的城市森林構(gòu)建與立體綠化發(fā)展

Urban Forest Construction and Vertical Greening Development Under Climate Change

作者：戚智勇 Zhiyong QI

摘要

在高密度城市中，較大的已建成區(qū)域能帶來相應(yīng)的立體綠化增量空間，成為應(yīng)對(duì)全球氣候變化的有益補(bǔ)充。本文強(qiáng)調(diào)，設(shè)計(jì)師和建造者需要突破對(duì)城市森林的傳統(tǒng)認(rèn)知，重新理解“森林”的定義及功能，并認(rèn)識(shí)到立體綠化是城市森林的重要組成部分。目前立體綠化的實(shí)踐受氣候環(huán)境條件制約，但技術(shù)進(jìn)步和材料變革可以為城市森林的發(fā)展創(chuàng)造新的機(jī)遇，例如新型基質(zhì)“壘土”的研發(fā)正在幫助城市擺脫借助盆缽、需要頻繁更換植株的立體種植，為城市更新帶來更多的生態(tài)效益。此外，本文指出，城市森林的未來發(fā)展應(yīng)進(jìn)一步發(fā)展裝配式綠化以適應(yīng)日益增長的城市森林構(gòu)建需求；構(gòu)建綜合性評(píng)價(jià)體系，將生態(tài)、社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)等多方面納入考量；通過公眾可切身感受到的環(huán)境與社會(huì)效益變化，提高其對(duì)城市森林的關(guān)注度與參與度。

關(guān)鍵詞 

城市森林；立體綠化；裝配式綠化；功能性；基質(zhì)；材料

ABSTRACT  

In high-density cities, relatively large area of buildings may accommodate increasing volumes of vertical greening, which will effectively help alleviate global climate change. This article emphasizes that landscape architects and constructors should refresh their understanding of urban forests and realize the role of vertical greening as its vital component. Although current practices of vertical greening are restricted by climatic environment, advances of technology and innovation of materials will provide new opportunities for the development of urban forests. For example, by utilizing a novel type of substrate, “base soil,” we can get rid of conventional vertical greening technologies that usually rely on pot-planting and frequent replacement, while enjoying more ecological benefits. This article also suggests employing prefabricated greening technologies to meet the ever-increasing demands of urban forests; establishing a systematic cost-benefit assessment system on vertical greening to measure the ecological, social, and economic values; and encouraging citizens to take a more active part in vertical greening practices by making them aware of environmental and social benefits brought by urban forests.

KEYWORDS 

Urban Forest; Vertical Greening; Prefabricated Greening;Functionality; Growing Substrate; Materials

景觀設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)在全球語境中的定位——《“一帶一路”時(shí)期的批判性景觀規(guī)劃》評(píng)論

Positioning Landscape Architecture in a Global Context: Review on Critical Landscape Planning During the Belt and Road Initiative

作者：蔡哲銘 Taro Zheming CAI

摘要

新近出版的《“一帶一路”時(shí)期的批判性景觀規(guī)劃》（以下簡稱《批判性景觀規(guī)劃》）一書，呈現(xiàn)了阿什利·斯科特·凱利和陸小璇兩位作者過去多年在香港大學(xué)開設(shè)的生態(tài)規(guī)劃方向景觀設(shè)計(jì)課程的成果。該課程主要探究了“一帶一路”倡議提出后早期的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目之一——中老鐵路及其沿線的景觀變遷、景觀建造知識(shí)的交流與轉(zhuǎn)變，以及相關(guān)實(shí)踐對(duì)中國、老撾及相關(guān)國際組織的影響。面向從事跨國、跨區(qū)域項(xiàng)目的規(guī)劃師及相關(guān)專業(yè)人士，《批判性景觀規(guī)劃》就全球發(fā)展的歷史、規(guī)劃教學(xué)法和概念框架展開了全面的討論。通過一系列課程項(xiàng)目的展示，本書著眼于景觀規(guī)劃的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)屬性，向景觀設(shè)計(jì)研究和實(shí)踐中的傳統(tǒng)教學(xué)與研究方法發(fā)起了挑戰(zhàn)，尤其回應(yīng)了伊恩·麥克哈格的景觀生態(tài)學(xué)和規(guī)劃方法的歷史意義及局限性。

本文著重剖析了書中的“批判性景觀規(guī)劃”概念和方法框架，探索其在教學(xué)和實(shí)踐中的應(yīng)用，討論了實(shí)證主義研究和人文科學(xué)批判研究并行的教學(xué)方法；梳理了包括檔案研究、實(shí)地觀察、民族志研究、訪談和話語分析的規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)策略，并指出本書的價(jià)值在于探討了全球發(fā)展、保護(hù)、可持續(xù)性和文化知識(shí)交流的重要性；此外，本文鼓勵(lì)在全球視野中對(duì)景觀設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)的學(xué)科定位進(jìn)行批判性反思。

關(guān)鍵詞 

批判性景觀規(guī)劃；景觀設(shè)計(jì)教學(xué)法；定位；“一帶一路”倡議；書評(píng)

ABSTRACT  

Ashley Scott Kelly and Xiaoxuan Lu’s recent publication Critical Landscape Planning During the Belt and Road Initiative emerges from their Landscape Architecture course on ecological planning at the University of Hong Kong lasted for several years. The book studies the landscape transformation along the China-Laos Railway, one of the earliest Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure projects. Targeted towards the audience of planners and allied professionals working in regional and transnational projects, the authors provide a comprehensive discussion on histories, planning pedagogies, and conceptual frameworks of global developments. Demonstrated through a series of studio proposals, the book can be seen as a provocative and ambitious experiment, in which Kelly and Lu challenge conventional epistemologies and protocols in landscape architecture research and professional practices. The review focuses on the authors’ conceptual and methodological frameworks to explore “critical landscape planning” as both pedagogical and practical practices. Additionally, this review invites critical reflections on the positionality of the landscape architecture discipline.

KEYWORDS 

Critical Landscape Planning; Landscape Architecture Pedagogy; Positionality; The Belt and Road Initiative; Book Review

模式化景觀途徑營造低維護(hù)海綿城市：泰國曼谷班加科特森林公園

Modular Approach Creating Low-Maintenance Sponge City: Benjakitti Forest Park in Bangkok, Thailand

作者：俞孔堅(jiān)，王冬 Kongjian YU, Dong WANG

摘要

在泰國曼谷繁華的城市中心地帶，設(shè)計(jì)團(tuán)隊(duì)將一個(gè)前煙草工廠轉(zhuǎn)變成了一座活力四射的新文化地標(biāo)——班加科特森林公園。項(xiàng)目之初，設(shè)計(jì)團(tuán)隊(duì)面臨場地上洪澇和干旱交替發(fā)生、北側(cè)運(yùn)河水體污染嚴(yán)重、可達(dá)性差、建設(shè)資金有限、工期緊張（僅18個(gè)月）等多重挑戰(zhàn)。通過生態(tài)修復(fù)手段，設(shè)計(jì)將場地轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榱丝商峁┤嫔鷳B(tài)系統(tǒng)服務(wù)且富有韌性的生態(tài)系統(tǒng)：設(shè)計(jì)后的公園可以攔截瞬時(shí)暴雨積洪并降低其破壞力、凈化被污染的水體、調(diào)節(jié)旱澇，以及為野生動(dòng)物提供亟需的棲息地。班加科特森林公園不僅成為了曼谷市中心及其周邊地區(qū)最大的公共游憩空間，也為其他類似城市公共綠地設(shè)計(jì)實(shí)踐提供了一種可借鑒的低維護(hù)、模式化途徑。

關(guān)鍵詞 

海綿城市；模式化景觀；生態(tài)修復(fù)；低維護(hù)景觀；污染治理；城市游憩空間；生態(tài)系統(tǒng)服務(wù)

ABSTRACT  

In the bustling heart of Bangkok, Thailand, the design team transformed a former tobacco factory into a vibrant new cultural landmark—Benjakitti Forest Park. The project faced a number of challenges including seasonal floods and droughts on the site, severe water pollution in the surroundings, poor accessibility, limited construction funds, and a compressed timeframe (only 18 months). The design has restored the site into an urban park with a resilient ecosystem that intercepts and reduces the destructive force of storm water, filters contaminated water, and provides much-needed wildlife habitat. Benjakitti Forest Park has not only become the largest public recreational venue for residents of downtown Bangkok and its environs, but also offers a low-maintenance, modular approach for worldwide urban public green space design practice.

KEYWORDS 

Sponge City; Modular Landscape; Ecological Restoration; Low-Maintenance Landscape; Pollution Remediation Management; Urban Recreational Space; Ecosystem Services

行道樹與韌性城市：美國路易斯安那州新奧爾良市行道樹種植再思考

Street Trees and Their City: Rethinking Tree Practices for the Fluctuating City of New Orleans, Louisiana, USA

作者：梁瑞琪 Kerry Shui-kay LEUNG

摘要

行道樹是構(gòu)建城市景觀及城市韌性不可或缺的一部分，但由于其栽植養(yǎng)護(hù)通常涉及苗圃、政府、私營組織和當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)等廣泛主體，因而很難將其同時(shí)作為自然系統(tǒng)和城市基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施來管理?？紤]到目前針對(duì)行道樹的研究與實(shí)踐較為分散，本文基于地理空間數(shù)據(jù)驅(qū)動(dòng)的方法，將美國路易斯安那州新奧爾良市的城市行道樹視為一個(gè)完整的系統(tǒng)展開研究。近幾十年來，新奧爾良的城市發(fā)展與行道樹密不可分；而受氣候變化影響，新奧爾良也面臨著地面沉降、颶風(fēng)、海平面上升等嚴(yán)峻問題。為了更好地實(shí)現(xiàn)行道樹系統(tǒng)的工程基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施功能，本項(xiàng)目在城市現(xiàn)有完善的道路中央分隔帶（即新奧爾良當(dāng)?shù)厮Q的“中立地帶”）上展開。

研究通過一系列剖面分析展示了新奧爾良行道樹在城市中所具有的社會(huì)和空間特征及其面臨的各類環(huán)境壓力和沖突。同時(shí)，研究利用公共數(shù)據(jù)資源作為地理信息系統(tǒng)分析的基礎(chǔ)，并結(jié)合各類歷史、交通、氣候等信息，對(duì)城市行道樹現(xiàn)狀進(jìn)行分層研究。在本研究中，數(shù)據(jù)可視化為概念設(shè)計(jì)提供了重要基礎(chǔ)和平臺(tái)。研究提出利用新奧爾良的“中立地帶”建立完善的行道樹栽植與養(yǎng)護(hù)系統(tǒng)的階段性設(shè)計(jì)策略，同時(shí)建立地理空間數(shù)據(jù)響應(yīng)機(jī)制，利用群體知識(shí)庫驅(qū)動(dòng)資源分配，以滿足行道樹系統(tǒng)當(dāng)下和未來的需求。由此將行道樹相關(guān)的決策和實(shí)踐由單棵樹木擴(kuò)展到城市森林，進(jìn)而增強(qiáng)城市韌性。

關(guān)鍵詞 

行道樹；可持續(xù)性管理；基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施；地理空間數(shù)據(jù)；氣候韌性

ABSTRACT  

Street trees are a crucial part of urban landscapes. Yet as we expect street trees to perform both as living natural systems and urban infrastructure, treatments of street trees are often contradicting as the roles of tree care transfer across commercial nursery practices and local tree care practices by governments, private organizations or local communities. With current discussions and practices for street trees scattered or segmented, this project calls for a data-driven approach that will allow us to view street trees as one systematic and vivid entity.

The project is situated in the city of New Orleans, Louisiana in the USA, a city that is facing issues of subsidence, hurricanes, and rising sea levels. With an urgent need to consider the future of both the urban trees and the city, as well as measured and recorded incidents of change and shock in the landscape, New Orleans provides a rich platform for observation, analysis, and speculation. Geo-spatial data mapping is utilized in parallel with human scaled studies with the aim of developing a discussion towards understanding and designing of street trees in a manner that stretches across individual instances and city-scale tree networks. Similarly, it is important for the work to address projected changes in time. From this approach, systematic and geo-spatial-data-based approach to urban tree planning is developed. The work results in a conceptual design solution that proposes a transition of tree care practices to become localized in the streets of the city, most critically a solution that allows us to shift street tree discussions and decision-making processes from individual trees to urban forests to better anticipate for urban street tree resilience.

KEYWORDS 

Street Trees; Sustainability Management; Infrastructure; Geo-Spatial Data; Climate Resilience 

重新定義“樹木分解”：基于經(jīng)驗(yàn)視角與生態(tài)功能的枯木管理策略

Re(de)fining Decomposition: Entangling the Experiential Lens and Ecological Functions in the Deadwood Management Strategy

作者：方詠昕 Joyce FONG

摘要

在高密度及以人為中心的城市環(huán)境中，樹木通常僅被視為一種構(gòu)造空間的材料。以中國香港為例，一旦遭遇氣象災(zāi)害，倒伏的行道樹便會(huì)造成道路受阻等后果，倒木也因此逐漸被賦予了“具有破壞性”的文化含義。而在美國夏洛茨維爾的城市森林——天文臺(tái)山上，倒木卻擺脫了垃圾填埋場的歸宿，平靜地在地面上滋養(yǎng)著微觀世界，為生態(tài)系統(tǒng)孕育新的生命。一樹枯而萬物生，這既是來自死亡的饋贈(zèng)，也是樹木的重生。受啟發(fā)于倒木在香港和夏洛茨維爾兩種截然不同的命運(yùn)，本項(xiàng)目試圖通過設(shè)計(jì)消解人們對(duì)枯木的文化誤讀。

本項(xiàng)目是弗吉尼亞大學(xué)景觀設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)碩士課程首個(gè)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)計(jì)課的設(shè)計(jì)方案。項(xiàng)目旨在將“樹木分解”重新定義為一個(gè)令人愉悅的過程，并借助低干預(yù)手段來更新人們對(duì)枯木的慣?？捶ā９P者首先通過實(shí)地考察，以身體感知及測(cè)量了解場地，并在此基礎(chǔ)上繪制場地地圖。而后通過觀察及描述人們當(dāng)前與枯木的互動(dòng)方式，進(jìn)一步加深了對(duì)樹木在分解過程中與周遭環(huán)境形成的空間構(gòu)造的理解。在隨后的項(xiàng)目發(fā)展中，筆者超越以人為中心的思想概念，著重研究枯木對(duì)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的重要作用，從而構(gòu)思能促進(jìn)物種間相互作用的設(shè)計(jì)方案。最后，項(xiàng)目通過地形改造、材料重組和可視化設(shè)計(jì)等簡單操作，鼓勵(lì)人們更加積極地與枯木互動(dòng)，從而促成與生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的互惠關(guān)系。唯有切身體驗(yàn)到枯木在特定空間中隨時(shí)間流逝而產(chǎn)生的演變，人們才能夠認(rèn)識(shí)并欣賞枯木之美。當(dāng)我們重新將自然引入城市，營建“城市森林”，枯木管理也將成為樹木管理策略中重要的一環(huán)；通過設(shè)計(jì)途徑引導(dǎo)大家將枯木視作有益的生命體，或許可以幫助人們克服對(duì)枯木根深蒂固的負(fù)面印象。

關(guān)鍵詞 

樹木分解；演替；土壤培養(yǎng)；森林管理；城市林業(yè)；倒木

ABSTRACT  

In a high-density, human-centric urban setting, trees are often considered only as materials to structure spaces. The multiple damages and related causalities caused by fallen street trees in Hong Kong, China contributed to a destructive cultural connotation. Instead of ending up on top of a landfill, fallen trees on the Observatory Hill, an urban forest in Charlottesville, the USA are landing on the ground peacefully, nurturing the microcosm and teeming with new life for the ecosystem. It is a dead bounty and just the beginning of the tree’s life. Inspired by such as opposite experience of encountering fallen trees, this project started by challenging the cultural misconception of deadwood.

As a design project for the first foundation studio of the Master of Landscape Architecture program at the University of Virginia, the proposal aims to redefine decomposition as a joyful process and refine people’s general perception of deadwood through light interventions on the ground. Simple manipulations through landform, material assembly configuration, and visual prompts encourage interactions between people and deadwood. By navigating the amplified wood decomposition setting, a reciprocal relationship will be the productive result, acting as the agency for soil incubation. By experiencing the temporal evolution of decay spatially, one can recognize and embrace the beauty of deadwood.

KEYWORDS 

Wood Decomposition; Succession; Soil Incubation; Forest Management; Urban Forestry; Fallen Trees